Vol 14, No. 1  --  Jan-Mar 2019

 

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DEBATE

 

"India-Sri Lanka Relations: New Issues, New Perspectives"

 

Subsequent to the elections of 2015, a National Unity Government was formed in Sri Lanka, under the leadership of President Maithripala Sirisena of the SLFP and Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe of the UNP. The formation of the bipartisan government was a positive development, as it brought together two main Sinhala political parties on a single platform. This was expected to create better conditions towards the realisation of peace, reconciliation, economic development, and a new Sri Lankan foreign policy orientation. With the establishment of the new unity government, Sri Lanka-India relations were also expected to improve. The visible ‘pro-China tilt’, seen under the previous regime, was also expected to be substantially corrected. The new Sri Lankan Government did correct some of the ‘tilt’ and, with frequent high level visits from both sides, the Indo-Sri Lankan cooperative relations grew. Meanwhile, growing differences between President Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe led to a major politico-constitutional crisis in 2018. In October of that year, Sirisena dismissed Wickramasinghe and, in his place, appointed former President Rajapaksa. This had to be soon reversed due to massive popular protests and subsequent legal interventions from the Sri Lankan Supreme Court. These developments were certainly received with apprehensions in India, which always strives for a stable and prosperous neighbourhood. India-Sri Lanka relations did take some beating as a result of this domestic upheaval. The re-appointment of Wickramasinghe as Prime Minister did bring the relations back to some semblance of normalcy; but the continued distrust and differences between the President and the Prime Minister are indeed affecting India-Sri Lanka bilateral relations.

Sri Lanka is due to undergo Presidential elections shortly. Parliamentary elections are due next year.

Ethnic reconciliation, promised soon after the termination of the conflict in 2009, did not take-off as expected. Previous Sri Lankan President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, who orchestrated the defeat and decimation of the LTTE, did not seriously advance the ethnic reconciliation process, despite pressures from the international community. When the regime changed in 2015, the new President, Maithripala Sirisena, did attempt a long-term political solution to the ethnic issue; but it hit many road-blocks due to lack of essential political will amongst all the stake holders and the necessary socio-political consensus.

The influence of China in Sri Lanka has increased in a major way in the past decade or so. This has implications for India’s security. The deadly terror attacks in April 2019 during the Easter celebrations have created a new complication. The involvement of radical groups based in West Asia as well as the probable involvement of the ISI and militant groups like Laskar-e- Taiba, impacts on India’s security and interests in the region.

 

India has contributed immensely to Sri Lanka’s economic development, especially after the ethnic war. The two-decade-old Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries has helped in making India the largest trading partner of Sri Lanka. India continues to be the largest source of tourists.

 

In the light of new issues that have emerged due to the October 2018 upheaval and the impending elections - both to the Presidency and to the Parliament - it may now be an opportune moment to look at and explore new perspectives on the state of India-Sri Lanka relations.

Where do these relations - important to both sides - stand? What is the state of various bilateral linkages in the economic, trade, cultural, ethnic, security, and other spheres? What steps need to be taken by both sides to repair, nurture, and improve these relations? What are the challenges? Do these require an entirely new perspective on the new and emerging issues?

These are some of the questions that were posed to some experts/strategic analysts. The views of nine such analysts, who responded to our invitation, are published, as such, as the ‘Debate’ section in this edition of the Journal.

The first seven analysts look at the subject generally. The eighth analyst looks at the issue from a Sri Lankan point of view - and express their opinion on the way forward.

(The views expressed by the authors are their own, and do not reflect the views of the Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, or that of the Association of Indian Diplomats)

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(In the past also, the Journal has carried 2 debates on this theme: in 2012 and in 2015).

 

Vol. 7, No. 2: Mar-Jun 2012: “India-Sri Lanka Ties: 3 Years after the Elimination of the LTTE”, available at:

http://associationdiplomats.org/Publications/ifaj/Vol7/7.2/7.2%20-%20DEBATE.pdf

 

Vol. 10, No. 1: Jan-Mar 2015: “Changing Political Dynamics in Sri Lanka: Implications for India-Sri Lanka Relations”, available at:

http://www.associationdiplomats.org/Publications/ifaj/ Vol10/10.1/10.1-DEBATE_P-SL.pdf

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R. Hariharan: Col. R. Hariharan:  Retired MI specialist. Former Head of the Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka (1987–1990).

India-Sri Lanka Relations: New Challenges

 

P. Sahadevan: Dr. P. Sahadevan is a Professor of South Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

India’s Changing Relations with Sri Lanka

 

Samatha Mallempati: Dr. Samatha Mallempati is a Research Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.

Reconciliation in Sri Lanka: Possible Implications

 

Nitin A. Gokhale:  Shri Nitin A. Gokhale is the Editor-in-Chief, Strategic News International, New Delhi.

India and Sri Lanka need to do ‘Much More’

 

N. Manoharan: Dr. N. Manoharan, is an Associate Professor, Department of International Studies and History, Christ College (Deemed to be University), Bengaluru.

Democracy’s Dilemma: The Ethnic Question and India-Sri Lanka Relations

 

D. Suba Chandran: Dr.  D. Suba Chandran is Professor and Dean, School of Conflict and Security Studies, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bengaluru.

India and Sri Lanka: Two Countries, Four Verticals

 

Gulbin Sultana:  Dr. Gulbin Sultana is a Research Analyst, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.

India-Sri Lanka Relations: New Issues, Novel Perspective

 

Jayanath Colombage: Adm. (Prof.) Jayanath Colombage is a former Commander of the Sri Lankan Navy, and presently, Director, Centre for Indo-Lanka Initiatives and Centre for Law of the Sea, Pathfinder Foundation, Sri Lanka.

India-Sri Lanka Relations: A View from Sri Lanka; Need for More Confidence Building Measures

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ARTICLES

 

Vivek Mishra: Assistant Professor at the Netaji Institute for Asian Studies, Kolkata.

Looming US Retreat under Trump: Implications for Asian Security

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BOOK REVIEWS

 

B. S. Prakash: former Ambassador of India to Brazil and to Uganda and a former Consul General of India at San Francisco, USA.

Arvind Gupta, How India Manages its National Security, (New Delhi, Penguin Viking, 2018), Pages: 440, Price: 599.00:

 

Neelam D. Sabharwal: Former Ambassador of India to the Netherlands and, to UNESCO, Former High Commissioner of India to Cyprus

Dilip Sinha, Legitimacy of Power: The Permanence of Five in the Security Council, (New Delhi, VIJ Books (India) Pty Ltd, 2018), Pages: (HB) 332, (PB) 321, Price: (HB) Rs. 1.250.00, (PB) Rs. 595.00

 

Teshu Singh: Research Fellow, Vivekananda International Foundation, New Delhi

T. V. Paul (Ed.), The China-India Rivalry in the Globalization Era, (Hyderabad, India, Orient Blackswan, 2019), Pages: (HB) 368, Price: Rs. 1,195.00

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COMPENDIUM OF CONTRIBUTIONS

Published in Volume 13, 2018

 

 

 

Vol 14, No. 2  --  Apr-Jun 2019

 

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ARTICLES

 

 

V. S. Seshadri: Dr. V. S. Seshadri, is a former Ambassador of India to Slovenia and former Ambassador of India to Myanmar. A former trade negotiator in the Government of India, he was earlier Vice-Chairman, Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi.

RCEP and India: What Next?

This article seeks to understand why India may have decided to withdraw from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) as was announced at the third RCEP summit meeting held in Bangkok on 4 November 2019. It also examines briefly the possible implications of this decision, particularly in the present context of looming challenges on the international trade front. It explores possible options for India and what its priorities could be. Finally, in the event that there may be a re-consideration by India about joining RCEP, what could be some of the guiding elements?

 

Dilip Sinha: Ambassador Dilip Sinha, is a former Special Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi and former Permanent Representative of India to UN Organisations in Geneva. He is the author of Legitimacy of Power: The Permanence of Five in the Security Council, published 2018 by the Indian Council of World Affairs/ VIJ Books (India) Pty Ltd, New Delhi.

India and the United Nations

The United Nations will celebrate its 75th anniversary in 2020. This is a good time to look back at its performance, and examine how far it has met the aspirations of its founders and how relevant it is in today’s world. India is a founder member of the organisation. What has been India’s approach to the UN? How does India view the organisation, and what expectations does it have of it?

The United Nations has grown in the last seven decades from a general security organisation to an omnibus international entity that brings numerous international organisations dealing with every conceivable aspect of human life under one umbrella. But maintaining international peace and security remains its primary goal, and it is on this that its reputation has rested even though its main achievements have been, and continue to be, in other fields.

 

Shreya UpadhyayDr. Shreya Upadhyay, is a visiting faculty with Symbiosis University and a Senior Analyst with India Bound. A former Nehru-Fulbright pre-doctoral scholar with American University, Washington DC, she was also a researcher with the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi.

India-US Defence Partnership: Challenges and Prospects

Since 2005, when the United States of America (USA) and India signed the new framework for the India-US Defence relationship, the bilateral defence ties have grown to become strong, and potential driven. With initiatives such as the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), the India-US Declaration on Defence Cooperation, the signing of agreements such as the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) and the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA), the two countries have made bipartisan efforts to move beyond the “hesitations of history”.  They have been cooperating on defence production, maritime security, disaster response, and counter terrorism. In November 2019, India and the USA concluded the first land and sea exercise in the history of their military exchanges. With security challenges growing in the Indo-Pacific region, and growing Chinese influence, it becomes imperative for India and the USA to strengthen ties, and defence is one of the main drivers of the deepening relationship. This essay is an attempt to look at defence ties between the two countries.

It looks at the following:  

·    How the defence ties between the two countries have grown in the last few years?

·    What is the importance of Major Defence Partnership (MDP) for India and the US in the Indo-Pacific theatre?

·    What are the existing challenges to a greater defence partnership?

·    Recommendation for the future.

 

H. H. S. Viswanathan: Ambassador H. H. S. Viswanathan, is a former Ambassador of India to Cote d'Ivoire, a former High Commissioner of India to Nigeria, and a former Consul General of India in San Francisco. Currently, he is a Distinguished Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF), New Delhi. The views expressed here are personal.

India’s Soft Power Diplomacy: Capturing Hearts and Minds

Any discourse on International Relations (IR) today never fails to talk about the Soft Power of countries. Ever since Joseph Nye coined the term, it has become rather obligatory to use it. It is not as if the aspects of the so-called Soft Power were never recognised before. Earlier, it was known by other terms, one of which was cultural and civilisational diplomacy. Countries projected their cultural and non-transactional sides to get the friendships of others. This indirectly helped them to pursue their national interests

 

Netajee Abhinandan: Dr. Netajee Abhinandan, is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ravenshaw University, Cuttack.

Changing Security Environment in Indian Ocean: Decoding the Indian Strategy

As a conflict zone for power and supremacy, history cannot exclude the oceans. During the early phases of modern history, oceans were the zones of intense contestation where most of the conflicts among major and aspiring powers played out. The contestations played the most significant role in shaping both history and civilisation. It would not be farfetched to say that the modern history of the world is also, in a way, the history of oceans. The tussles for power, resources, land, and people were mostly fought over the seas and oceans, as these were the only modes of communication and transportation linking distant countries and continents. Though the Indian Ocean, covering the expanse from East Africa to the Indian subcontinent and Australia, has always been the theatre of human interactions, it caught global attention only in 1498 when the Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama arrived at Calicut (now Kozhikode) after a successful sea voyage. This opened the first all water trade route between Europe and Asia. Since then, it became a part of the global trading system as more and more European powers came forward to trade with India and other countries of Southeast Asia using this route. Also, till then, under the complete control of India, it turned into an active conflict zone, with established European powers vying with each other for greater control over the ocean and the littoral countries. The opening of the Indian Ocean as one of the most lucrative trade routes in the 15th century made it the most contentious and volatile of all the oceanic zones. This continues even today.

 

Asoke Kumar Mukerji: Ambassador Asoke Kumar Mukerji, was Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York between 2013 and 2015.

The Centenary of India’s Membership of the League of Nations

The League of Nations (LN) was conceptualized by the Treaty of Versailles,  which formally ended the First World War on 28 June 1919. The Treaty also created the International Labour Organization (ILO), a unique multi-stakeholder multilateral structure in which policies are decided by governments, employers and workers, without any government exercising veto power. 

India signed the Treaty of Versailles as a distinct legal entity, although she was a colony consisting of the territory of British India and Indian Princely States. In international law, India’s signature was that of “an anomalous international person”.  However, this did not prevent India from participating on the basis of “legal equality”  in the activities of both the LN and ILO with other sovereign states to reflect her evolving national interests and perspectives. How did India acquire a seat at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 which resulted in the Treaty of Versailles? Was India’s participation in the LN and ILO of relevance for contemporary India’s multilateral diplomacy? These are the questions that arise when reviewing India’s membership of the LN a century later.

 

Bhaskar Balakrishnan: Ambassador Bhaskar Balakrishnan, is a former Ambassador of India to Cuba and to Greece, and is a Science Diplomacy Fellow, Research and Information Systems for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi. The views expressed herein are his personal views.

Science and Technology Dimensions of Indian Foreign Policy

Science is the basic knowledge of nature and Technology is the practical application of that knowledge. This is sometimes not so clear. For example, we knew that penicillin works against bacteria, but not why. At each level of understanding, new science opens up, and there is new technology to be applied. Another concept is Governance. The goal of governance in any country is firstly national security and, secondly, a better quality of life for its people. Science and Technology have a very strong impact not only on society but also on the international system. There are many examples of this, such as mobile phones and smart phones. In the international system, countries which discover and use new science and technology gain an advantage - both economic and military. Because of this, all governments must deal with science and technology in an appropriate manner, and respond to new developments in both.

 

 

 

Vol 14, No. 3  --  Jul-Sep 2019

 

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ARTICLES

 

Priti Singh and Devika Misra: Dr. Priti Singh is Chairperson and Associate Professor, Centre for Canadian, US and Latin American Studies, JNU, New Delhi; and, Ms Devika Misra is a Research Scholar at the Centre.

India-Brazil ‘Strategic Partnership’: Rhetoric and Reality

The recent visit of the Brazilian President, Jair Bolsonaro, as the chief guest at India’s celebration of its Republic Day in January 2020 has given a new impetus to India-Brazil relations. While a ‘strategic partnership’ had been formalised in 2006 (during the visit of the then Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Brazil), in the course of this visit, an Action Plan was formalized to further strengthen that partnership.

This paper defines what ‘strategic partnership’ means for India, tracing its usage in Indian foreign policy. While assessing briefly the importance of the partnership for Brazil’s foreign policy goals, an attempt is made to discuss whether the India-Brazil strategic engagement is an effort at political image building or whether it is more a move towards a concrete economic relationship? The paper analyses and evaluates the significance of Brazil as a ‘strategic partner’ for India.

 

M. Ganapathi: Ambassador M. Ganapathi, is a former Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, former High Commissioner to Mauritius, former Ambassador to Kuwait and former Consul General in Sydney, Australia.

Act East in India’s Foreign Policy: India-ASEAN relations

India’s engagement with ASEAN has been paying good dividends. This needs to be continued and developed further to maintain the momentum. India and ASEAN need each other in a complex region where one super power is stepping back, and a more combative and supremely ambitious power is emerging at the global stage. While India has done well in the political, security, cultural, and people-to-people areas, a lot more needs to be done on the trade, economic, and connectivity fronts with ASEAN to help the relationship blossom further. This will provide traction for growth, development and security bilaterally between India and ASEAN members, individually as well as collectively with other members, in the Indo-Pacific region as a whole.

 

Vijay Sakhuja: former Director, National Maritime Foundation, New Delhi. He is currently Visiting Senior Fellow, Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace, (CICP) Phnom Penh, as also Consultant with Vivekananda International Foundation, the Indian Council of World affairs, and the Kalinga International Foundation, all in New Delhi.

The Indian Ocean and Smart Ports

The concept of Smart Ports is yet to gather momentum among the Indian Ocean littorals, and only two ports - the Port of Singapore and the Abu Dhabi Ports, UAE - have made significant investments; the Port of Colombo, Sri Lanka has also taken some initiatives. Many other Indian Ocean countries, such as Australia, Bangladesh, India, Malaysia, and South Africa are considering Smart Ports, and the idea figures prominently in their Blue Economy plans.

At the strategic level, the appetite for new port projects among Indian Ocean littorals as well as China’s deep pockets will help many countries, particularly the small island states, to pursue Smart Ports - and these may even take a lead over others, albeit with Chinese support. China’s ability to craft cooperation under the Digital Silk Road and augment the connectivity infrastructure of the Indian Ocean states is a potential source for competition. Australia, India, Japan, and the USA are likely to add robustness to the Blue Dot Network, and build robust partnerships to challenge any economic and strategic ‘hegemonic order’ led by China in the Indian Ocean. This attracts a number of strategic concerns.

 

Teshu Singh: Dr. Teshu Singh is a Research Fellow with Vivekananda International Foundation, New Delhi

India-Taiwan Relations: Burgeoning Economic Engagement

Tsai Ing-wen led Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government re-launched the New Southbound Policy (NSP) in 2016. The NSP aims at reviving and expanding ties with 18 targeted countries of South Asia and Southeast Asia. The Chairman of Taiwan External Trade Development Council James Huang has said that India is the “jewel” in the NSP. Consequently, the trade between India-Taiwan has increased from 5.32 billion in 2016 to 7.05 billion in 2018 with a target of 10 billion in 2020. Overall, the bilateral trade has grown around 40 per cent in two years. There are many complementarities between the NSP and India’s Act East Policy. The trade dispute is yet another opportunity for India and Taiwan to enhance their collaboration. With the re-election of Tsai Ing-wen, a continuation of the ties and additional robust policy to take forward the bilateral relations is expected

 

Manpreet Sethi: Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi.

The Idea of 'Limited Nuclear War': As Impractical and Dangerous Now, As It Was Then

Presidents Reagan and Gorbachev made a historic statement when they acknowledged that a nuclear war cannot be won and, therefore, should not be fought. With that, much of the chatter about nuclear war-fighting subsided. By 2014, however, relations between Washington and Moscow had begun to sour, and the idea of deterrence by denial was ready to make a comeback. US Nuclear Posture Review of 2018 has inclined itself towards a doctrine and capability that would equip the US to fight and win ‘limited’ nuclear wars, and thereby deny Russia and China any chance of getting away with the use of a low yield nuclear weapon. US believes that Moscow and Beijing had developed the capability to undertake the limited use of nuclear weapons and hence had to reciprocate. With this, the idea of limited nuclear war is back in the discourse. What is the rationale for this? Can nuclear war ever be limited? How will the advocacy of the idea of limited nuclear war impact the nuclear behaviour of others? What should India watch out for? Would any changes be necessary in its own nuclear doctrine? These are some of the questions that this essay attempts to answer.

 

BOOK REVIEWS

 

Pragya Pandey: Dr Pragya Pandey is a Research Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi

Jagannath P. Panda, Scaling India-Japan Cooperation in Indo-Pacific and Beyond 2025: Corridors, Connectivity and Contours, (New Delhi, KW Publishers, 2019), Price: .1280.00, Pages: 364.

 

Arvind Gupta: Dr. Arvind Gupta is Director, Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), New Delhi and a former Director General of IDSA, New Delhi and former Deputy National Security Advisor.

Krishnan Srinivasan, James Mayall, Sanjay Pulipaka (Eds), Values in Foreign Policy: Investigating Ideals and Interests (London, Rowman & Littlefield International , 2019), Pages: xxii + 293, Price: Rs. 833.00

 

Gopal Suri: Commodore Gopal Suri is presently a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Contemporary China Studies, New Delhi

Pooja Bhatt, Nine Dash Line: Deciphering the South China Sea Conundrum, (New Delhi, KW Publishers, 2020), Pages: 288 (HB), Price: Rs. 980.00

 

 

Vol 14, No. 4  --  Oct-Dec 2019

(in the Press)

 

India and the 'UN@75'

Special Issue

 

In 1945, representatives of 50 countries, including India, met in San Francisco at the United Nations Conference on International Organization to draw up the United Nations Charter. The Charter was signed on 26 June 1945 by the representatives of these 50 countries. The United Nations Organisation officially came into existence on 24 October 1945, when the Charter had been ratified by the five permanent members of the UNSC and by a majority of other signatories. Thus, United Nations Day is celebrated on 24 October each year.

The UN, which celebrates its 75th anniversary in 2020, has already outlived its predecessor by half a century. For its sheer survival, and for becoming a truly global organisation with a wide range of activities, the UN can consider itself a successful organisation despite its limitations. A critical evaluation of the organisation against the benchmark of its stated principles and purposes, and the expectations from it in the world today is essential to assess how well it has performed, and can be expected to perform, in the years leading up to its centenary.

The UN was set up to save the succeeding generations from the scourge of war. It was also expected to promote international cooperation to solve social, economic, cultural, and humanitarian problems, and encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. This was a tall order, and the performance of any international organisation with such a vast mandate would necessarily be chequered.

How has the UN fared in its primary goal of maintaining international peace and security? With the permanent five lacking consensus about providing the Security Council with an army, the UN had to improvise to fulfil its mandate. It settled for peacekeeping operations, and occasionally resorted to authorising member states to take military action on its behalf. Has peacekeeping been a satisfactory instrument for maintaining international peace and security? What has been the experience with military actions taken by member states on the authority of the Security Council?

The brief period of cooperation among the permanent five that followed the end of the Cold War is long over. The Security Council is once again frequently deadlocked by the threat or use of the veto. The veto had been the most strongly opposed provision of the draft UN Charter at the San Francisco Conference. It was to have been reviewed, along with the rest of the Charter, after 10 years. However, this was not done. Should the review take place now?

The UN’s activities in other fields have gained considerable salience, and the greater part of its budget is allocated for them. In which of these fields can the UN claim to have been successful? Sustainable development? Human Rights? The environment? Humanitarian assistance? Trade Promotion? Disarmament? The codification of international law?

India has taken its responsibilities as a founding member of the UN very seriously. In the early years, it was instrumental in forging the non-aligned movement, and reorienting the UN towards promoting decolonisation, abolishing racial discrimination, and strengthening its activities in promoting development and an equitable international order. How has India performed in the years after the Cold War when the UN saw a virtual explosion in its activities? What have been India’s initiatives in the UN in recent years?

India has been vigorously pursuing the goal of the reform of the UN, with a permanent seat for itself in an expanded Security Council. How essential are these reforms? And, what are the prospects of realising them? Will the addition of more permanent and non-permanent members make the Security Council more effective? Will it make it more transparent and democratic?

India has now spent nearly three decades trying for a permanent seat in a reformed Security Council. Is a permanent seat likely in the foreseeable future? How has this campaign impacted India’s foreign policy? How will a permanent seat help India promote its foreign policy objectives? Does it need to re-think its goal or change its strategy?

***

These are some of the questions that were posed to a few experts/strategic analysts. The views of eight such analysts, who responded to our invitation, are published in this edition of the Journal.

Reviews of 3 books (2 re-publications) on the theme of this special issue are also included.

 

Dilip Sinha:  Former Special Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs is a former Permanent Representative of India to the UN offices in Geneva. He was also India's Ambassador to Greece. He is the author of the book: Legitimacy of Power: The Permanence of Five in the Security Council (New Delhi, Vij Books, 2018).

Vijay Nambiar: Former Permanent Representative of India to the UN at New York, He was later Chef de Cabinet (Chief of Staff) of the UN Secretary-General. in the rank of USG of the UN. Former Indian Ambassador to Algeria, Pakistan, China, Malaysia and Afghanistan, he was also the Deputy National Security Advisor..

Nalin Surie: Ambassador Nalin Surie, is a former Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs and a former Deputy Permanent Representative of India to the UN at New Tork. Ambassador of India to Poland, China and the High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. He was also the Director General of  the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA).

C. S. R. Murthy: Prof. C. S. R. Murthy, is a Professor at the Centre for International Politics, Organization and Disarmament, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Monish Tourangbam: Dr. Monish Tourangbam is Assistant Professor, Department of Geopolitics & International Relations, Manipal Academy of Higher Education, Manipal

Satish Nambiar: Lt. Gen. Satish Nambiar (Retd.) is a former Deputy Chief of the Army Staff, former Director General of Military Operations at Army Headquarters, the first Force Commander and Head of Mission of the United Nations forces in the former Yugoslavia (in the grade of an Assistant Secretary General / Under Secretary General).

This is an edited version of an extract from the script of a proposed talk by the author at the Shiv Nadar University, Gautam Budh Nagar, that couldn't take place due to the COVID pandemic.

Asoke Kumar Mukerji: Former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York.

T.P. Sreenivasan: Ambassador T.P. Sreenivasan is a former Perrmanent Representative  of India to the United Nations, offices in Vienna and a former Deputy Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York. He was also Ambassador to Austria, to Kenya and Fiji.

 

BOOK REVIEWS

 

Surbhi Choudhary: Doctoral Research Scholar, Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University,New Delhi

Suranjan Das, Sitaram Sharma and  Vivek Mishra (Eds), India in the United Nations General Assembly (Vol 1 & II), (New Delhi, KW Publishers, 2019), Pages (HB): 756, Price (HB): Rs. 2,489.00

 

Neelam D. Sabharwal: Former Ambassador of India to the Netherlands and, to UNESCO, Former High Commissioner of India to Cyprus

Dilip Sinha, Legitimacy of Power: The Permanence of Five in the Security Council, (New Delhi, VIJ Books (India) Pty Ltd, 2018), Pages: (HB) 332, (PB) 321, Price: (Rs. 595.00

This review was earlier published in Volume 14, No. 1 of the journal, at Pages 74-78. It is reproduced here, being a review of a book on the subject of this special issue

 

Lakshmi Priya: Research Analyst, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi

Hardeep Singh Puri, Perilous Interventions:The Security Council and the Politics of Chaos, ( Noida, India, 2016, HarperCollins), Pages: 264, Price: Rs 599.00

This  review was earlier published in Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, Journal of Defence Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, January–March 2019, pp. 71–75. Being a review of a book on the subject of this special issue, it is re-published here in full, with our gratitude to them and with their permission