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Contents
- Vol
5
2010
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Vol.
5 No.1 January - March 2010
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Vol. 5 No. 2 April - June 2010
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DEBATE
Post-Copenhagen Scenarios: India’s Options and Interests
SHYAM
SARAN: Former Foreign Secretary
and till recently the Prime Minister’s Special Envoy on Climate Change.
Climate Change: The Road to Cancun, Mexico
In my view, the objective was not the conclusion of a substantive
outcome but to use COP‑15 to eviscerate UNFCCC and its Kyoto
Protocol and create a new legal basis for a global climate change
regime. If success was achieved in getting a congenial “political”
agreement, this could become the template for a new legal agreement
which could supersede, or even replace, the existing Climate Treaty
and Protocol ….
P.K.
GAUTAM:
Research Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi
Getting the Science Right in the Public
Domain
Due
to the complex nature of the science, uncertainty will remain. Energy
efficiency, renewable energy, non-polluted air and water, sufficient
food with preservation of forests and biodiversity are all desirable
goals. These could well be understood as manifestations of good
governance. With the current public doubts on the inadequacies and
common sense errors in the science of climate change it may be
worthwhile to first have India-specific data on Strategic Knowledge for
Climate Change . …
MUKUL
SANWAL:
The author has worked at the policy level in the Government of India and
in the UN Climate Change Secretariat
Turning a Crisis into an Opportunity
The
Copenhagen Accord, by shifting the focus to “what” has to be done from
“how” it should be done, has redefined the principle of common but
differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in terms of
burden sharing. As future increases in global emissions of carbon
dioxide will come from developing countries, they have to be innovative
in modifying growth pathways in order to achieve sustainable
development, and must now develop their
vision of a climate-constrained future to impact on global trends …..
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DEBATE
Post NPT Review Conference 2010:
India’s Choices and Concerns
ARUNDHATI GHOSE:
Former
Ambassador and Permanent Representative of India
to the United Nations Offices
at Geneva.
India and the NPT will Remain Strangers for the
Foreseeable Future
It
is clear that India and the NPT will remain strangers for the
foreseeable future. With the 2008 NSG waiver, however, much of the
disadvantage regarding access to nuclear fuel and technology has
been diluted. ……The fact is that the NPT is still alive, however
fragile it might be, and is the only treaty in the nuclear field in
which some basic concerns of India are addressed: nuclear
disarmament, non-proliferation, nuclear security and the peaceful
uses of nuclear energy.
MANPREET SETHI:
Senior Fellow,
Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi.
No Reason for India to be on the Defensive
With its unblemished record on non-proliferation,
in contrast to the other two NPT hold-outs, there is no reason for
India to be on the defensive. Rather, it would do India well to
publicly endorse the principle of the NPT while exhorting treaty
members to resolve the internal contradictions that weaken it.
RAJESH RAJAGOPALAN: Professor at the School
of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
India Needs to Seek a New Compact with the
Non-proliferation Order
India needs to seek a new compact with the global
nuclear non-proliferation order. Such an arrangement will not be a
formal one but one in which both the elements of the nuclear
non-proliferation regime as well as India take deliberate steps to
strengthen the global nuclear order. We have little interest in a
world with more nuclear powers or one in which terrorists might
potentially seek and acquire nuclear weapons.
N.S. SISODIA, A. VINOD KUMAR :
Director General; and Associate Fellow, respectively at Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
(IDSA), New Delhi.
Proactive Engagement for Greater Integration
In the emerging scenario, proactive engagement
with the NPT community would offer opportunities for exploring
greater integration with the regime. As a part of the regime India
may be able to play a more effective role to bring about structural
corrections as a key player within the system rather than as an
outlier. It was perhaps easier for India to remain outside of the
NPT system by not being an important player in the regime. However,
the nuclear deal and India’s legitimate desire to play a
constructive role in the relevant fora, including the NSG, have
altered this condition.
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ARTICLES
LORD BHIKHU PAREKH:
A
former Vice-Chancellor of the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda,
Baron Parekh taught at the London School of Economics, the University of
Glasgow, University of Hull and at the University of Westminster. He was
appointed a life peer in 2000 as Baron Parekh. He was awarded Padma
Bhushan by Government of India in 2007
India’s Place in the World
In so far as I can see, India will not be content to be an
economically and militarily strong state because it believes that it
represents something; and it also believes that the world of which
it is a part is shaped by others and it is compelled to live by the
rules and norms that others have set for it. …. Since India can play
a global role, wants to play that role and should play it in the
years to come, I want to turn to the most significant question –
What are we entitled to expect from this? What should be India’s
guiding principles? And how should it arrange its own affairs, such
that it can play that role effectively? ….
Edited version of the transcript of the address delivered at the
‘Annual Lecture’ of the Association of Indian Diplomats on 8 January
2010 at ‘Sapru House’, New Delhi.
Edited
transcript of the Lecture
SANJEEB
KUMAR MOHANTY and J.N. MAHANTY
Sanjeeb Kumar
Mohanty is a Post-Doctoral Research Scholar in Berhampur University,
Orissa. J.N. Mahanty is a Professor in the Post-Graduate Department of
Political Science, Berhampur University, Orissa.
The ‘Moderate Taliban’ Theory: The Indian
Dilemma
There are several reasons for India’s uneasiness about the prospect
of the United States negotiating with the so-called moderate
Taliban. First, India believes that the Taliban is wedded to a
fundamentalist ideology. …. the Taliban idea of a state is merely
the political expression of its conservative social vision. A
regressive social agenda will prevent people from making full use of
the opportunities offered by a democratic state. The Taliban’s
comeback means brutal governance, a paralysed economy, international
isolation and a denial of basic human rights. ….
SAURABH
KUMAR: The
author was till recently India’s Ambassador to Austria, IAEA, UNIDO and
UNOV.
Striving for a Nuclear Weapon Free World
As
regards the practical difficulties against the very notion of
abolition of nuclear weapons, most observers of the international
scene would readily confess to scepticism. Mainly, the nuclear
weapon states would not want to sign away what they believe to be
the source of their hegemony. Their declared defence doctrines and
strategies place heavy reliance upon nuclear weapons. ….
ARUN
MOHANTY:
Associate Professor at School of
International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
Indo-Russian Strategic Partnership in the
21st Century
India and Russia are,
perhaps, the only two major powers in the world who gain confidence
from each other’s growing strength. Their bilateral relations are
remarkable for continuity with change, consistency and stability,
and have, by and large, escaped the vicissitudes that generally flow
from political fluctuation in countries that are partners in such
relationship. Their relationship has been assiduously built on a
virtual national consensus in both countries.
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ARTICLES
K. SUBRAHMANYAM:
The
author is a senior strategic analyst and former Director of the
Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. The
article is based on a
lecture delivered at the Association of Indian Diplomats, Sapru House,
New Delhi.
Prospects for A Nuclear-Weapons-Free World
All that one can say on the current debate on the
issue is to quote President Barack Obama’s Prague speech where he
admitted, “Maybe it will not happen in our lifetime.” He was talking
about his own lifetime and he is in his late forties. …Therefore, we
have to take into account that the probability of seeing a world
without nuclear weapons is not very bright, not only during our
generation, perhaps even during the next generation.
DILIP LAHIRI: The author, a former
Ambassador of India to Italy, was the leader of the Indian delegation to
the 1998 Diplomatic Plenipotentiary Conference at Rome which negotiated
the ICC Statute.
The International Criminal Court: Should India
Continue to Stay Out?
How serious are Indian concerns at being
politically targeted in the ICC if it joined? This was the primary
reason for the strong opposition of the armed forces and security
authorities to India supporting the ICC. … Even if India is not
ready to join, it should move towards a posture of constructive
engagement with the ICC.
V.S. SESHADRI:
The author is a
member of the Indian Foreign Service. The article, however, reflects his
personal views and not necessarily those of the government.
Economic Diplomacy Challenges in the New Decade
It
is too early to predict if India’s growth during the new decade will
significantly change its place in the world order. To be sure,
India’s current efforts are not really directed at becoming a No. 2
or No. 3 economy in the world, but more at bringing the benefits of
development to all its people and to eradicate poverty among its
citizens at the earliest.
CHINTAMANI MAHAPATRA:
Professor of
American Studies Programme, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal
Nehru University, New Delhi.
The United States and the Emerging Balance of
Power in Asia
While the era of unbridled
US hegemony in Asia appears to be ending, the new balance of power
is yet to crystallize. It will perhaps take quite a while before a
durable new Asian balance of power is in place. But the indications
of a new era in the making are discernible. What are the
distinguishing features of this new era? Who are the new main
players in Asian politics and economics? What will be their
equations with the United States?
BINODA KUMAR MISHRA:
Fellow at the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies,
Kolkata.
Cooperation and Discord in India-China
Relationship: Key to the Future of South and South-East Asia
Four Cs characterize the Sino-Indian
relationship, namely, Conflict, Cooperation, Competition and
Containment. … Objectively, both would help themselves well if they
cooperate. But the aspiration to great-power status and the
historical issues seem to weigh heavy on their minds.
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ORAL HISTORY
From Nuclear Apartheid to Nuclear Deal: The
First Steps
Ambassador
K. Raghunath, Foreign
Secretary during an eventful period of India’s diplomatic history,
recalls the background and aftermath of the May 1998 nuclear tests,
which represented a crucial step forward in the development of our
national security and foreign policy. The narration includes a
recapitulation of international reactions, and how the large adverse
element was managed, as well as the dialogue with different countries.
He also reflects on the significance of the tests, as seen against the
larger canvas of India’s nuclear history, including the events of the
subsequent decade, culminating in the Indo-US civil nuclear deal.
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ORAL
HISTORY
The India-Taipei Association: A Mission Extraordinaire
Ambassador Vinod C. Khanna,
the First Director General of the India-Taipei Association, the de
facto Indian Mission to Taiwan, narrates the nuances in India’s
diplomatic undertaking there. He states:
The first and most important thing is that it was an unusual
mission. It was not like any other diplomatic mission. This was
entirely different because I was not there as India’s accredited
envoy to a sovereign state. .... Evolving the precise relationship
with the Taiwanese government was a delicate matter. .... The
problem was how to ensure an optimal middle path – have a productive
relationship with the local government without giving it
“diplomatic” colour.
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BOOK REVIEWS
DHRUV
C. KATOCH
The Unmaking of Nepal by R.S.N. Singh
ADITI
MALHOTRA
Pakistan’s Military and its Strategy by
Shalini Chawla
RAMAKRUSHNA
PRADHAN
India’s Energy Security edited by Ligia
Noronha and Anant Sudarshan
VINEET
THAKUR
India’s Foreign Policy: Problems and
Prospects edited by Sumit Ganguly |
BOOK
REVIEW
ALI AHMED
India’s Nuclear Debate: Exceptionalism and the Bomb
by Priyanjali Malik
D. SANTISHREE PANDIT
U.S. Policy Towards India: A Post Cold War Study by
Amulya Kumar Tripathy and Rabi Narayan Tripathy
SUSENJIT GUHA
Caring for Democracy in Bangladesh by Sreeradha Dutta
PUNAM PANDEY
A History of Bangladesh by Willem Van Schendel
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Vol.
5 No. 3
July - September 2010
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Vol.
5 No. 4
October - December 2010
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Debate
INDIA, RUSSIA AND THE
SHIFT IN
GLOBAL BALANCE OF POWER
Anuradha M. Chenoy: Professor, Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International
Studies,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Does Russia Matter in India’s Foreign Policy?:
Indian foreign policy is in transition and the debate on how it can
leverage its foreign policy to improve its international position is
inconclusive. Russia can still provide a viable alternative, where India
should maintain its choices. India’s ambition and potential for
great-power status will require Russian support. Building regional
alliances, and being proactive in organizations like the SCO and CICA
are sure roads for broadening the Indo-Russian relation into a broader
regional multilateral one as a factor in multipolarity. India cannot be
in search of a shadowy concept of great power which is subordinate to
the US superpower in critical areas.
By Prakash Nanda: Editor, Geopolitics magazine, New Delhi.
A
Time-tested Partnership:
It is
logical ... for India to cultivate and nurture its relationship with
Russia in the context of historical experience, current policy
orientations and tangible mutuality of interests and mutual benefits in
the foreseeable future. Realism requires that Russia remains a country
of top priority in India’s external dealings. To borrow a Russian
proverb, “old friends are better than new ones.” of power.
By Vijay Sakhuja: Director (Research) Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.
A
Catalyst for India’s Military Industrial Complex:
Despite
the occasional setbacks, both India and Russia have conveyed to the
international community that their time-tested relationship has deep
foundations and they respect each other’s national interests. The
military cooperation has transformed from simple sale of weaponry from
Russia to India to joint development of new technologies, weapon systems
and platforms. India stands to benefit immensely from the Russian
military market, which can act as a catalyst for the augmentation of
India’s military industrial complex.
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Debate
Political
Developments and
Evolving
Security Scenarios in Nepal
ASHOK K MEHTA:
Former commander of the Indian Peace Keeping Forces in Sri Lanka,
frequent commentator on Nepal and Srilanka
Current Impasse is a Betrayal by Maoists
Nepal’s
peace process, it seems, has been held hostage by the commanding
majority of 238 Maoist lawmakers in the Constituent Assembly. Is the
current impasse betrayal by Maoists of the peace process? The simplistic
answer is yes. But the situation could have been less bad had the
political parties acted more responsibly in the run-up to the elections
and after. India, which was the catalyst to the political process,
mishandled the Maoists, failing to address their insecurities. …
NISHCHAL N. PANDEY:
Director, Centre for South Asian Studies, Kathmandu
The Change of Generation Need to be Grasped by Policymakers
Almost
all salient aspects of India-Nepal relations of the last five decades
are under scrutiny by both the political parties and parliament, whether
it is the open border system, agreement on water resources or the Treaty
of Peace and Friendship of 1950. The challenges and opportunities
emanating from this change of generation not only in Nepal but also in
India need to be grasped by policymakers of both countries. …
K. V. RAJAN: Former
Secretary of the Ministry of External Affairs and was also Ambassador to
Nepal
India to Accept Maoists as Important Players
India
has no option but to accept the fact that the Maoists will be important
political players in Nepal for the foreseeable future, and this grim
reality cannot be wished away. Their cooperation in saving the peace
process and writing of the Constitution is indispensable. India is in
any case conscious of its limitations in trying to influence the course
of events in that country. India cannot replace, or be seen as
replacing, its earlier “two-pillar” policy (of supporting the
constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy) with a new
twin-pillar approach which bars the Maoists from a second chance in the
power structure and restricts Nepal from expanding its relations with
China. …
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ARTICLES
Oliver Stuenkel: Visiting Professor of International Relations, University of Săo Paulo (USP),
Brazil, and Fellow at the Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi), Berlin,
Germany.
The Case for Stronger Brazil-India Relations
Brazil’s efforts to fortify its relations with India are part of a
broader goal to strengthen ties with other developing nations.
South-South diplomacy has been a hallmark of the Lula administration.
While it would be simplistic to reduce Brazil-India ties to the personal
predilection of Brazil’s current President, it is true that it is under
President Lula that the Brazilian government’s efforts to engage with
India have reached a historic high. As Lula is preparing his political
exit, it is India’s responsibility to preserve his legacy and make the
partnership last.
Rajaram Panda and Shamshad A. Khan: Senior
Fellow and Research Assistant, respectively, at the Institute for
Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.
China and the South China Sea: Future Power Projections
China’s
rise, both economically and militarily, has aroused serious academic
curiosity in Asia, US and Europe. China has already replaced Japan as
the world’s second-biggest economic power and aspires to replace the US
as No. 1. In its race towards economic prosperity, China has tried to
extend its sphere of influence across the globe by investment strategies
in resource projects and port development activities. By asserting
claims on territories in its neighbourhood where other countries too
have competing claims, it has generated fear. Debate centering on
whether China’s rise is peaceful and benign or pregnant with
uncertainties remains inconclusive. China’s cooperation with “rogue
states” such as North Korea or clandestine deals with Pakistan raise
uncomfortable questions.
Nivedita Das Kundu: Research Fellow, Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.
Geopolitical and Economic Significance of Central Eurasia - Indian
Perspective
India’s
relation with Central Eurasia is very strong mainly because of its civilizational links with the region. India has deep interest in the
region as it lies in its extended neighbourhood and also due to its
security concerns and energy requirements. India maintains a relatively
high profile in the region because of its longstanding special
relationship with the erstwhile Soviet Union and its links with Central
Eurasia in terms of age-old trade and economic relations through the
Silk Route. Research interest in Central Eurasia has grown over the past
few years in India, including their nationalism policy, their civil
society organizations and urban development. India has been active in
Central Eurasia, although China was quicker off the mark in developing a
close relationship with post-Soviet Central Eurasia.
N. Manoharan:
Senior
Fellow, Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS), New Delhi.
Post-Conflict India-Sri Lanka Relations - With Lions, Without Tigers
Post-LTTE
India-Sri Lanka relations have reached an unprecedented level of depth
and quality. The violent phase of the ethnic conflict in the island that
stood as a constant source of irritation in the bilateral relations has
ended with the military defeat of the LTTE. The ethnic issue, however,
lingers on. India has time and again conveyed its willingness to do
whatever is required for satisfactory resolution of the ethnic question
that meets the sentiments of all the communities of Sri Lanka. Not
limiting itself to voicing its concerns, New Delhi should make sure that
Colombo seriously moves forward in resolving the ethnic issue at the
earliest. Simultaneously, India should constantly provide resources
required for the resettlement of the IDPs in the short term and invest
in the economic development of the war-ravaged northeast of Sri Lanka.
This will not only ensure that another armed conflict does not occur,
but also open up immense economic opportunities for India.
Rajeswari Pillai Rajagopalan:
Senior
Fellow at the Institute of Security Studies (ISS), Observer Research
Foundation, New Delhi.
Drivers of Obama’s AfPak Policy - An Indian View
If
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s November 2009 meeting with President Barack Obama was all about China, his April 2010 meeting was almost
entirely focused on AfPak and Indo-Pak issues. These issues gained a
fresh lease particularly after a leaked report by the Wall Street
Journal (5 April 2010) of a secret directive issued by Obama which
sought a resolution of the Indo-Pak issue without which the US would not
be able to get full cooperation from Pakistan in the global war on
terror (GWOT), particularly in Afghanistan. The report noted that the
directive “concluded that India must make resolving its tensions with
Pakistan a priority for progress to be made on US goals in the region.”
Obama’s conviction that finding a solution to the Kashmir issue is
almost a prerequisite for getting Pakistan’s support for GWOT worries
India.
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ARTICLES
SWASHPAWAN SINGH:
Former Ambassador and Permanent Representative of India to the
United Nations Office, Geneva
The Politics of Multilateralism: The Geneva Story
The UN
has grown in size, the scope of issues it addresses, its geographic
spread, the number of conferences and meetings organized and the number
of personnel it employs: but its effectiveness and ability to deliver
remain a matter of concern. The need for reform is widely recognized:
several efforts have been made to change methods of work, procedures,
financing arrangements, delivery mechanisms and accountability criteria.
But the outcomes have been less than satisfactory: the required
structural and systemic reform has still to happen ..
RAMASWAMY R. IYER:
Formerly Secretary Water Resources, Government of India and the
initiator and principal draftsman of India’s first National Water Policy
in 1987)
Our Water Future
There are a number of perspectives on water. What dominated initially
was engineering; then it was engineering plus economics. Now, we have to
subordinate both engineering and economics to ecology and social
justice. Combining ecology and social justice in one overarching
perspective, we might call it dharma (responsibility) – responsibility
to other people, other groups, other countries, future generations, to
nature. Some might say this is unrealistic: what then is realistic? …
SANJAY PULIPAKA:
Fellow at the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies,
Kolkata
Elections in Myanmar: Implications for India
Apart from institutional diversity, India will have to deal with
consequences that emanate from the electoral performance of the ethnic
parties. Sub-regional ethnic parties have also made their presence felt.
The long-term implications of the emergence of ethnic parties in the
electoral arena of Myanmar need to be studied in greater detail,
especially given that these ethnic parties have been articulating their
ethnic identities and the need for political processes to protect and
promote them. …
LAKHAN MEHROTRA:
Formerly Secretary in India’s Ministry of External Affairs and the
United
Nations Envoy in Cambodia and Indonesia
South Asia: A way Forward
We cannot face the world with just pride and dignity unless we eliminate
the hydra of poverty that stalks our region. Each country of our region
has the responsibility to concentrate on this theme individually and in
concert with regional partners. SAARC should take the lead in promoting
collaborative efforts to achieve poverty alleviation. It should be
possible for SAARC member states to spare a proportion of their national
allocations to meet the challenge of poverty for SAARC’s collaborative
efforts to that end. …
SHALENDRA D. SHARMA:
Professor, University of San Francisco
US-India Nuclear Deal: The Saga of the Civil Liability for Nuclear
Damage Bill
No doubt, the efficacy of India’s legislation on civil liability for
nuclear damages will ultimately be determined by the nuclear industry,
both international and domestic. The yardstick will be the cost of doing
business in India. Even the Nuclear Power Corporation of India,
responsible for operating the country’s nuclear reactors, as well as the
Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) have
pointed out that under legislation the cost of producing nuclear power
will be higher in India as the suppliers must have hefty insurance to
cover their liabilities. …
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ORAL HISTORY
Representing India during the Vietnam Conundrum
P. K. Budhwar
Ambassador Prem Kumar Budhwar was a young Indian Foreign Service officer doing his
posting in North Vietnam in the early 1970’s. He manned the small Indian
diplomatic mission almost all alone and saw through many things at the
height of war in Vietnam and India’s relations with that country. |
ORAL HISTORY
The (Hi)story of one Lakh Visas
MANI
SHANKAR AIYAR
Mani
Shankar Aiyar, former member of the Indian Foreign Service, former
Minister in the Union Cabinet and at present a member of the upper house
of the Indian Parliament, was tasked with the assignment of opening
India’s Consulate General in Karachi in December 1978, after the Assistant
High Commission had been closed down in December 1971 during the
Bangladesh war. He recounts here his experiences as India’s Consul
General, including the decision to issue hundreds of visas every day, his
interaction with the people and leadership of Pakistan, and reflections on
India-Pakistan relations in those years. |
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BOOK REVIEWS
ISHANI NASKAR, Department of Political Science, Rabindra
Bharati University, Kolkata
Subir Bhaumik
Troubled Periphery: Crisis of India’s North East
(New Delhi: Sage, 2009), Pages: 305, Price: Rs. 695.00.o
VISHNU PRIYA, Reader in Political Science, Maitreyi College,
University of Delhi
Rajiv Sikri
Challenge and Strategy: Rethinking India’s Foreign Policy
(New Delhi: Sage, 2009), Pages: xx+317, Price: Rs. 595.00.
S.D. Muni
India’s Foreign Policy: The Democracy Dimension
(Delhi: Foundation Books, 2009), Pages: vii+178, Price: nm
ANUSHREE BHATTACHARYYA, Research Associate, National Maritime
Foundation, New Delhi
K.V. Kesavan and Daljit Singh, eds
South and Southeast Asia:
Responding to Changing Geo-Political and Security Challenges,
(New Delhi: Knowledge World, 2010), Pages: 166, Price: Rs. 440.00. |
BOOK REVIEWS
ARIF
ALI KHAN
Rajaram Panda and
Pankaj Jha - Eds
India
and New Zealand: Emerging Challenges
ANIMESH ROUL
Hermann Kulke, K. Kesavapany and Vijay Sakhuja
Nagapatnam to Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on Chola Naval Expeditions to
South East Asia
PRIYANKA SINGH
Bob Woodward
Obama’s War – The Inside Story
ARVIND KUMAR
Harsh V. Pant
Indian Foreign Policy in a Unipolar World Edited
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