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Vol 12, No. 1
Jan-Mar 2017
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DEBATE
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Trump’s Grand Strategy:
A New Doctrine and its Discrepancies
Economic
protectionism by the US will also lead to consternation with countries like
India. Although President Trump has commented that he is looking forward to
working with Prime Minister Narendra Modi there exist several policies
mulled by President Trump which may be pernicious for Indo-US relations.
For instance, President Trump’s isolationist policy could raise concerns in
India regarding the reliability of the US as a strategic and economic partner. India’s interests
will also be undermined if the US refuses to cooperate on tackling global
warming given that President Trump has denied climate change on many
occasions. Recently, the US administration undid most of former President
Barack Obama's Clean Power Plan, which required states to decrease carbon
emissions from power plants. President Trump’s decree also reversed a
moratorium on coal leasing on federal lands and it undid rules to curb
carbon emissions as well as methane emissions. Such measures widen the
difference in views on climate change held by India and the US. Although
President Trump did not target India in the manner China, Japan and South
Korea were blamed, for cheating the US through currency manipulation or bad
trade practices, India will be adversely impacted as President Trump begins
to implement protectionist policies including the reduction in granting of
H1B visas which will impact India’s IT sector. Countries like India which
embraced the liberal international order will also be impacted if the US
retreats to an isolationist policy ceding ground to powers like China with
whom India shares less complementary economic and political values compared
to the US.
... [I]t
is highly unlikely that President Trump would abandon the path of intense
engagement with India pursued by his predecessors, and toe a more
aggressive line. Considering his intransigence towards China, which is
viewed as a competitor, it is expected that he, just like President Obama,
would rely upon democratic India to counter the growing economic and
strategic influence of China in Asia. Also, in the wake of China’s growing
assertions over the South China Sea and the emerging geo-political
conflicts in South East Asia, America’s strategic interests would certainly
be better served if it augments its strategic partnership with India.
In this
context, the recent visits of National Security Adviser Ajit
Doval and Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar to the USA suggest that the
politico-security relations between the two countries would rather continue
with same intensity than run into troubled waters. With regard to Indo-Pak relations, US
envoy to the UN, Nikki Haley’s offer of mediation notwithstanding, there is
no reason to believe that the US would choose to meddle in the bilateral
conflict between the two countries. In fact, following India’s strong
objection to this proposal, the USA quickly reverted to its previous stance
of non-interference, asking India and Pakistan to resolve all issues
through ‘direct dialogue’. On the other hand, India can take solace from
President Trump’s tough stand on terror as Pakistan would be under constant
watch for its cross-border activities against India.
Thus,
there might be some friction between New Delhi and Washington in the
economic sphere unless differences are properly handled. However, in the
politico-strategic realm, the relations are unlikely to encounter any
serious blockade under the Trump Presidency.
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ARTICLES
M. GANAPATHI: Ambassador M. Ganapathi, is a former
Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, former Ambassador to Kuwait,
former High Commissioner to Mauritius and former Consul General in Sydney,
Australia.
Contours of
India’s Foreign Policy - An Overview
From the early days of recorded history, Indian thinkers have written
about the significance and importance of foreign policy in governance. A
codified approach towards political and diplomatic strategy finds reference
in the Arthasastra of Kautilya or Chanakya – the first structured treatise on statecraft.
Kautilya strongly believed that nations acted in their political, economic
and military self-interest. In Kautilya’s view,
expediency was to be the main consideration in foreign policy. Kautilya
laid down measures to be adopted in carrying out an effective foreign policy.
The contemporaneous Thirukkural has an entire
chapter outlining the essential
attributes of an envoy in the conduct of foreign policy and diplomacy.
The foreign policy of any country cannot be divorced from its
domestic politics and governance – the influence and outcome of each impact
on the other. The Freedom Movement and the thoughts and ideas of its
founding fathers heavily influenced independent India’s foreign policy.
Shaped by the philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi’s Ahimsa and Satyagraha as well
as the reverberations of the struggle against colonialism, India saw its
foreign policy anchored in the ideas of non-alignment as well as in
supporting movements against colonialism, racism, and apartheid. India
became a champion for non-discriminatory non-proliferation. It chose to
chart an independent course, and positioned itself outside of any of the
post-War alliances. Civilisational India could not have been expected to be
a camp follower. There has been a cross-party national consensus on foreign
policy, the thrust of its orientation remaining more or less the same– that
is, firmly anchored in strategic autonomy.
VIVEK MISHRA: Dr. Vivek Mishra
is an Assistant Professor, Netaji Institute for
Asian Studies, Kolkata and Visiting Faculty at Presidency University,
Kolkata.
India-US Maritime
Cooperation: The Next Decade
Today India conducts the largest number of military exercises with
the USA than with any other country. A significant number of these take
place in the maritime domain. Recently, maritime partnerships between India
and the USA have ridden high on the back of multiple agreements in the
areas of defence and security, particularly the Defence Trade and
Technology Initiative (DTTI) and Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement
(LEMOA), besides some others that are in the pipeline like Communication
and Information Security Memorandum Agreement (CISMOA) and Basic Exchange
and Cooperation Agreement (BECA). However, two significant developments
that could potentially change the course of the India-US maritime
partnership in the next decade are the actions on the Joint Strategic
Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean signed in 2015, and
India’s elevation to a special status of ‘Major Defence Partner’ through a
Congressional imprimatur in the USA. The paper seeks to explore the
ramifications in the Asian maritime domain of an enhanced partnership
between India and the USA, besides looking at the geopolitical fallouts of
the Indo-US effort to link the security of the Asia-Pacific to the security
architecture of the IOR as we go forward. It also looks at how the maritime
and riparian ramifications of burgeoning Indo-US ties have altered the
rhetoric of the balance of power associated with Asia, and its consequent
fault lines.
G. PARTHASARATHY: Ambassador G. Parthasarathy, is a former
Ambassador of India to Myanmar and former High Commissioner of India to
Australia, to Pakistan and to Cyprus.
India’s
Foreign Policy and Security Challenges: Past and Present
India is a
country that cherishes and derives its strength from the principle of unity
in diversity. Our attire, dance, and music symbolise this unique diversity,
as do our cuisine and festivals. All major religions have blossomed in
India. The Semitic beliefs of Judaism, Christianity and Islam have been
welcomed on our shores. At the same time, our own Indic religions rooted in
our soil– Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism and Sikhism– have developed and grown
in harmony. There have, however,
been challenges that we have faced - and continue to face - on our
land boundaries and our maritime frontiers, across the Indian Ocean to our
east and to our west.
India’s
maritime history began in the 3rd millennium BCE, when the Indus Valley
established maritime contacts with Mesopotamia. Following the Roman occupation
of Egypt, trade flourished with the Roman Empire, not only on our west
coast, but also with Tamil Pandyan Kings. The Chola Dynasty reached out beyond the shores of what is
now Tamil Nadu, between the third and thirteenth Centuries. It extended its
domains from Sri Lanka to Srivijaya (Indonesia),
in Southeast Asia. Similar trade and maritime contacts flourished between
the rulers of Kalinga (Orissa) and the kingdoms
of South and Southeast Asia, including Myanmar, Indonesia and Sri Lanka.
_____________________________________
BOOK REVIEWS
S. KALYANARAMAN Dr. S. Kalyanaraman
is a Research Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New
Delhi.
T. V. Paul
(ed.), Accommodating Rising Powers: Past, Present, and Future, (New Delhi,
Cambridge University Press, 2016), Pages: 336, Price: Rs. 595.00
AMBREEN AGHA: Dr. Ambreen Agha is a Research Fellow, Indian Council of World Affairs,
New Delhi
Tilak Devasher: Pakistan:
Courting The Abyss, (New Delhi,
Harper Collins India, 2017), Price: Rs. 470.00, Pages: 472
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COMPENDIUM
OF CONTRIBUTIONS
Published in Volume 11,
2016
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Vol 12, No. 2 Apr-Jun
2017
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DEBATE
Developments in the Indo-Pacific Region
and Options for India
A panel discussion on ‘Developments in the Indo-Pacific Region
and Options for India’ was held during the regular meeting of the
Association of Indian Diplomats on 2 May, 2017, with Ambassador Sanjay
Singh, President of the A.I.D. in the chair.
This 'debate' section of
the journal is based on general remarks on the subject from the chair,
specific presentation from Ambassador Rajiv Kumar Bhatia, one of the
panellists as well as a substantive intervention from one member, namely,
Ambassador Yogendra Kumar, - all updated before
going to press.
To enrich the 'Debate',
an article titled "India and
Shifting Power Equations in the Indo-Pacific" by Prof. Chintamani Mahapatra, Rector, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi, and Professor for American Studies, School for
International Studies is also
included.
(The views expressed by
the authors are their own, and do not reflect the views of the Indian
Foreign Affairs Journal, or that of the Association of Indian
Diplomats)
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SANJAY SINGH: Ambassador
Sanjay Singh is a former Secretary, Ministry of External
Affairs, and, Former Ambassador of India to Iran.
Developments
in the 'Indo - Pacific' region : The Viewpoint from India
India
today seeks cooperation with other likeminded countries in shaping such a
regional architecture. While it itself believes in democracy and the rule
of law, India does not seek to interfere in the internal affairs of other
states. Sitting atop the Indian Ocean with a modernising navy, India
provides security for important SLOCs crisscrossing the ocean as well as
protection from piracy and other non-traditional threats. India—which has a
strategic partnership with ASEAN—accepts the centrality of ASEAN and its
structures and processes in the evolving economic and political
architecture of the region. Today, through active participation in ASEAN
led fora (EAS, ARF, ADMM++, etc.), and in organisations such as IORA
(Indian Ocean Rim Association) and IONS (Indian Ocean Naval Symposium),
India is making its own contribution to dealing with contemporary
challenges and promoting cooperation in the region. As the second most
populous country in the world, with a rapidly growing economy being true to
its own principles, India is a force for stability and growth. India has
made special efforts to reach out to the countries with interests in the
region through its “Act East” policy, especially the USA, Japan, Australia,
and ASEAN countries towards realising this objective as also to safeguard
its own strategic space.
India
hopes that China, in realising its ‘dream’, will not pursue an aggressive
policy in Asia to back its territorial claims and other interests but
practice moderation and restraint and ensure that its rise is peaceful.
India is working towards a concert of Asia with major powers as cooperative
and not competitive players. In this objective, the USA, Japan, and other
major Asian states will be key partners.
RAJIV BHATIA: Ambassador Rajiv
Bhatia is a former Ambassador of India to Myanmar and to Mexico, High
Commissioner of India to South Africa and to Kenya.
East Asia: Changing Dynamics, Drivers and Options
The dispersion of
power, marked by an asymmetrical multi-polarity, defines international
relations today. It is moulded by a constantly changing interplay of
factors pertaining to the domains of geopolitics and geo-economics. This
explains why scholars and observers come up with divergent interpretations
of what is happening in the global theatre, and why they are often
constrained to revise or even change their evaluations and projections.
This reading applies especially to the region of our focus, where
perceptions prevalent in end-2016 need to be changed in mid-2017; and this
could happen again after six months from now.
Thus, interpreting
the meaning and implications of developments in the Indo-Pacific requires a
combination of humility, tentativeness, and collective wisdom. A single
expert, with a blindfold placed on his eyes, may be able to identify the
tail or foot of the proverbial elephant, but not the entire elephant
itself!
.
YOGENDRA KUMAR: Ambassador Yogendra
Kumar is a former Ambassador of India to the Philippines. He was, earlier,
on the Faculty of the National Defence College, New Delhi.
Policy Uncertainty Unlikely to Abate
India needs to
continue its policy of deeper engagement in the maritime sphere, given its
largely benign image and the commitment, as expressed in Prime Minister
Modi’s SAGAR speech, to regional economic integration. The government’s
flagship SAGARMALA programme involving the construction of ports and SEZs
around them needs to be integrated into the India’s policy for the wider
Indian Ocean region. Thus, the Indian Ocean region presents an opportunity
for shaping this maritime order into an open, inclusive, and equitable one.
This would also facilitate the tapping of the full potential of India’s own
‘Blue Economy’. The fostering of an Indian Ocean maritime order, which
Prime Minister has envisaged as giving everyone a stake, would require the
commensurate and timely development of maritime capabilities (including the
Navy and Coast Guard) as well as regional organisations such as IORA
(Indian Ocean Rim Association) and IONS (Indian Ocean Naval Symposium). As
the foregoing paragraphs show, the window of opportunity may not be open
indefinitely. At the same time, India’s desire to play an extended regional
role is getting support from its traditional friends in the USA, Japan, and
elsewhere.
India needs to
continue its regional relationship-building for ‘balancing’ China.
This involves greater investment in
ASEAN as well as in the other East Asian mechanisms; it also depends on
pushing through regional connectivity projects which can be the key to
impacting the strategic landscape favourably. The Modi-Trump Joint
Statement (27 June 2017) describes the two countries as “responsible
stewards in the Indo-Pacific region… A close partnership (of the two) is
central to peace and stability in the region…” This ‘balancing’ would be contributed
through close naval and coast guard partnerships with the South China Sea
littorals, as well as with the USA, as they give the Indian Navy access to
the Chinese mainland abutting this sea. The Chinese navy’s power projection
capabilities are still limited in the Indian Ocean, with the prevailing
maritime order not being favourable to it.
CHINTAMANI MAHAPATRA: Prof. Chintamani
Mahapatra is Rector, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and Professor
for American Studies, School for International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi.
India and Shifting Power Equations in the
Indo-Pacific
India is “Acting
East” and India will be a key player in matters related to peace, security
as well as development in the Indo-Pacific region. The changing balance of
power in this region is reflected in dynamic interactions involving India,
the US, Japan, South Korea, Australia and the ASEAN. No country clearly
intends to contain China in the Cold War sense. Nevertheless, all countries
have woken up to an emerging reality that shows that China’s “peaceful
rise” is no longer peaceful. China has begun to throw its weight about in
the South China Sea, the East China Sea, South Asia, and the Indian Ocean,
and thus, not-so-quietly, new power configurations are emerging. The US is
a relatively declining power. China is a fast rising Asian power. Hence, new equations and deeper
intra-regional cooperation are visible involving India, Japan, South Korea,
Australia and the ASEAN.
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ARTICLES
BHASWATI MUKHERJEE: Ambassador Bhaswati
Mukherjee, is a former PermanentRepresentative
to UNESCO, Paris; former Ambassador of India to the Netherlands
India
and the UN: Reform and Role in a Globalised World
In its pursuit of international peace and
security, India is fully aware that the strengthening of multilateralism
through the United Nations represents the best hope in a troubled world,
with new and emerging threats such as non state actors like the IS, and
Islamic fundamentalism in general. These new threats must be combated
multilaterally. The US has recently bombed IS hideouts in tunnels in
Afghanistan. There is tension building up in North Korea which is making
threats of a nuclear attack. In our immediate neighbourhood, tensions are
growing with Pakistan which is threatening to execute an innocent Naval
Officer, Kulbhushan Yadav,
on charges of ‘spying’ in Baluchistan. The reality is that he was kidnapped
in Iran by the ISI, and taken to Baluchistan. It is imperative that US
President Trump understands the value of multilateralism pursued through
the United Nations, and that the USA will continue to play an important
role in strengthening international peace and security through the UN. His
new Permanent Representative to the UN, Nick Hailey, who is of Indian
origin, has recently made some positive comments in this context.
In a global context, foreign policy has come to be
a mechanism by which a nation pursues its legitimate aspirations, based on
its national security interests externally through bilateral and
multilateral agendas. We live in challenging times where the World order is
being re-shaped: on the one hand because of the decline of the West and the
rise of emerging States, and on the other because of the threat posed by
international terrorism and non-state actors and, more recently, the ISIS.
This is compounded, in India’s case, by its hostile neighbourhood where,
especially in the context of Pakistan, the issue has always been how to
engage and how much space to engage. Should India continue to engage? The
response is that it should engage to the extent possible, and should
simultaneously continue to pursue our national interests multilaterally.
Much has been written about India’s abiding legacy
to the UN. Swami Vivekananda had said: "India, for thousands of years,
peacefully existed. Even earlier, when history had no records and tradition
dares not peer into the gloom of that intense past, even from then until
now, ideas after ideas have marched out from her, but every word has been
spoken with a blessing behind it and peace before it. We, of all nations of
the world, have never been a conquering race, and that blessing is on our
head, and therefore we live".
This message from India is more relevant than ever
before in our quest to strengthen international peace and security through
the United Nations.
NIRMALA
JOSHI: Prof. Nirmala Joshi is a
former Professor, Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of
International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) New Delhi.
India’s Engagement with the
Central Asian Republics: An Appraisal
In India’s
multifaceted engagement with the CARs, the bilateral context of each
relationship are strong factors. As young democracies, one of the
challenges faced by the CARs is the transnational challenges carried out by
non-state actors. These challenges have a grave impact on their security
and stability as nation states. The CARs are committed to building open,
democratic, and secular societies, and each country is still in the
transformational mode. This goal needs strengthening by providing them the
requisite expertise and experience, if the CARs so wish. A sustained
security dialogue will enable India to understand better, and possibly work
out a common approach. Other areas of cooperation—such as economic, skills
development, connectivity with Asian and African countries, and the
diversification of their energy markets—are the key focus of CARs. In this
endeavour, India could assist all the countries.
In view of the
emerging complex geopolitics in this region there exists a wide area of
shared perceptions on regional security and economic development. In order
to be an effective actor on the Central Asian scene, it is crucial for India
to connect with the region by surface transport. An opening in the southern
direction to the Indian Ocean could be extremely beneficial for the CARs,
and thereby provide them with a significant alternative to their landlocked
status. In the long run, it could bring about a change in the geopolitics
of the region, and widen the scope for peace and stability. At present,
Iran is the best option for India to connect with the Central Asian region,
and ties with it should be accorded the topmost priority. At the same time,
ties with Russia will have to be nurtured. A vigorous policy on the part of
India is the way forward to Central Asia.
NALIN SURIE: Ambassador Nalin Surie, is a former Secretary in the Ministry of
External Affairs, a former Ambassador of India to China and to Poland and a
former High Commissioner to the UK. He is presently the Director General of
Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA), New Delhi.
China and the State of India - China Relations
China is now the second largest economy in the world
and perhaps already the largest trading nation in the world. It has in
place an ambitious and extensive defence modernisation programme coupled
with an economic and technological modernisation programme that is intended
to transport it into becoming the world’s leading power. The problem is
that while China’s growth and ambitions are known, the manner in which it
intends to use its new power remains problematic.
China has so far, been a status-quo power. It was
fortunate to have inherited a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and
used the Cold War in a skilful manner to convert its obvious weaknesses
into strengths. It has intelligently used the processes of international
economic inter-independence to develop its economy and obtain access to high-end
dual use technologies without restriction almost till recent years.
It is also a fact that despite being the world’s
largest democracy, India was denied access to high level technologies in
the guise of dual use technology restrictions since 1974. However, a Communist totalitarian regime did not
face any such barrier. The double irony is that China has depended
enormously for its development on external support especially from the west
and Japan. Yet, today it is these very countries which see China as their
biggest threat if not competitor on the international arena.
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BOOK REVIEWS
DHRUV
C. KATOCH: Major General Dhruv C Katoch is a former
Director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies, (CLAWS) and is presently
Director, India Foundation and Editor, SALUTE Magazine
Lt Gen
PK Singh, Maj Gen BK Sharma, Dr Roshan Khanijo (eds.), Strategic Year Book 2017, New Delhi, Vij
Books India, June 2017, Pages: 215, Price: Rs 1495.00 (HB), Rs.750 (EBook)
VIVEK MISHRA: Dr. Vivek Mishra
is an Assistant Professor, Netaji
Institute for Asian Studies, Kolkata. Assistant Professor, Netaji Institute for Asian Studies, Kolkata.
Yogendra Kumar (Ed.): Wither Indian Ocean Maritime Order?, (New Delhi, KW Publishers, 2017) Pages 292, Price: Rs. 880.00
RAJESH RAJAGOPALAN: Prof. Rajesh Rajagopalan is Professor
in International Politics, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal
Nehru University, New Delhi.
Sten Rynning
(Ed.), South Asia and the
Great Powers: International Relations and Regional Security, (London, UK, I.B.Tauris
Publishers, 2017) Pages: 320, Price: Ł59.00
M.
MATHESWARAN: Air Marshall M. Matheshwaran (Retd) is a Former Deputy Chief of the Integrated
Defence Staff.
Ajey Lele,
Fifty
Years of the Outer
Space Treaty: Tracing the Journey (New Delhi, 2017, Pentagon
Press), Pages: 232 Price: Rs. 995
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Vol 12, No. 3 Jul -
Sep 2017
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ARTICLES
V.
S. SESHADRI: Till recently,
Vice-Chairman, Research and Information System for Developing Countries
(RIS), New Delhi, Ambassador V. S. Seshadri is a
former Ambassador India to Myanmar and to Slovenia.
India
and the International Trade: Some Perspectives
This paper seeks to review India’s external trade
since 2000-01. It highlights the positive features reflected in trade
trends. It also tries to flag
certain areas of concern that may need to be addressed. It attempts to
present an overall snapshot and some macro perspectives rather than getting
into a detailed analysis product wise or market wise. The essay also dwells
briefly on the current framework of rules governing international trade,
particularly as they relate to India.
DILIP SINHA: Ambassador Dilip
Sinha is a former Ambassador / Permanent
Representative of India to the United Nations in Geneva, Ambassador to
Greece and a former Special Secretary for International Organisations in
the Ministry of External Affairs.
International
Dispute Settlement Mechanisms and India-Pakistan Disputes
The primary purpose of law is to provide security.
While national laws, or municipal laws as they are called, have evolved in
content and sophistication to aspire to cover a wider gamut of human life
such as social and economic development, international law has struggled to
keep pace. Despite an explosion in laws regulating various aspects of
international affairs, maintaining peace and security remains its primary
and most challenging preoccupation. This paper deals with dispute
settlement mechanisms and India-Pakistan disputes.
BHASWATI
MUKHERJEE: Ambassador Bhaswati Mukherjee, is a
former Permanent Representative of India to UNESCO, Paris and former
Ambassador of India to the Netherlands.
A
New Paradigm in India-EU Relations
Does India regard the EU as a significant actor or
prefers the bilateral approach towards individual member countries? Is it a
dialectical relationship? How do India’s relations with the USA impact
India-EU relations? Jean Luc Racine makes a cynical assessment about the
EU-India-US triangular relationship. He acknowledges: “Some will deride
Europe as a ‘bawdy old lady’, known for over 400 years, but with ‘no
excitement, no passion’ left. The romance is with America, even if it is ‘tough
love’, because the US was more open to migrants and is more prone to change
the world.”
What adds complexity to this task is that
conceptually India, post 1947, is regarded as a ‘modern state’, with the
attributes of sovereignty, territoriality, and raison d’état (justification
of sovereignty).In contrast, the EU is considered to be a ‘post modern
intra state entity’ which does not emphasise sovereignty, the separation of
domestic and foreign affairs, and which, after Schengen, increasingly
regards borders as irrelevant. It is generally considered that the EU as a
‘post modern actor’ does not base its foreign policy on the balance of
power and zero sum logic. There is no doubt that its inability to develop
and implement a coherent and strong Common Foreign and Security Policy
(CFSP) has sent wrong signals to its strategic partners, including India.
GULBIN
SULTANA: Ms. Gulbin Sultana is a Researcher at
the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi
India-Sri Lanka Relations - in the Context of India's 'Neighbourhood
First' Policy
In the final analysis, it can be argued that
whatever approach India adopts towards Sri Lanka, it will be impossible to
alter two realities: the increasing presence of China and the anti-India
sentiment which is deep rooted in that country. It should be kept in mind
that since the pre-independence period, the Sri Lankans perceive India as
wanting to dominate it economically as well as strategically. This feeling
has not died down completely over time. Politicians and business
communities have exploited these feelings over the years to pursue their
selfish interests. And, they will continue to do so in the future too.
Thus, India’s aim is to protect its interests
despite Chinese presence on the Island, and to create an atmosphere of
interdependence so that the domestic anti-India constituency becomes less
effective. For this, India needs to use the tools of both soft and hard
power simultaneously. India has exhibited its capability as far as hard
power is concerned. There is a growing realisation in Sri Lanka that as far
as security assistance at the time of emergency is concerned there can be
no better option than India. India’s proximity positions it as a country on
which Sri Lanka can rely for immediate assistance. Hence, while Sri Lankan
nationalists often oppose Indian economic activities in Sri Lanka, no such
opposition was observed in the Island against the security cooperation
between the two countries. Unfortunately, India failed to exhibit that it
can be a reliable economic partner.
SAMATHA MALLEMPATI:
Dr. Samatha Mallempati is a Research Fellow at the
Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.
Developments in Maldives: Implications for India- Maldives Relations
After the formation of Progressive Party of
Maldives (PPM) government in Maldives in 2014 led by the current President
Mr. Abdulla Yameen, many developments took place
at the political, economic and foreign policy arena of Maldives. The
government of Maldives has implemented various polices and embarked on
actions having implications for nascent democratic development in the
country.
At the political arena the opposition the Maldives
Democratic Party (MDP), leader and former President of Maldives, Mr. Nasheed was arrested in 2015 on terrorism charges. The
opposition parties formed an umbrella platform Maldives United Opposition
(MUO) to mobilise public opinion. Maldives government tried to take control
of the situation by passing various laws which targeted opposition members,
curtailed freedom of expression and took control over the decision making
bodies. Maldives also opted out of Commonwealth membership when asked to
end the political crisis through negotiations.
In the economic arena there are allegations of
large scale corruption against the government and the opposition alleging
that increasing debt and freehand given to foreign powers to own the land
in Maldives will lead to economic bankruptcy and presence of foreign powers
in Indian Ocean Region (IOR) which will be a threat to the security and
stability of the region. The Foreign policy of the government is moulded to
attract the large scale investments particularly from extra regional
powers.
In this scenario, the article looks into internal
developments, India’s response, possible implications for India’s security
and challenges and opportunities that exist in bilateral relations and
future scenario.
_____________________________________
BOOK REVIEWS
CHINTAMANI MAHAPATRA: Prof. Chintamani
Mahapatra is Rector, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and Professor
for American Studies, School for International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi.
Uday Mahurkar, Marching with a Billion:
Analysing Narendra Modi's Govenment at Mid term (New Delhi, 2017, Penguin India), Pages: 288, Price: ₹ 599.00
ERIC
GONSALVES:
Ambassador Eric Gonsalves is a Former Secretary,
Ministry of External Affairs and a Former Ambassador to Japan and to
Belgium.
Shyam Saran, How India Sees the World: Kautilya to the 21st
Century, (New
Delhi, Juggernaut Books, 2017), Pages: x + 312, Price: Rs 599.00
AMBREEN
AGHA: Dr. Ambreen
Agha is a Research
Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.
Rajiv Dogra, Durand’s
Curse: A Line Across the Pathan Heart,
(New Delhi, Rupa Publications, 2017), Pages: 256,
Price: Rs. 595.00
VIVEK
MISHRA: Dr. Vivek Mishra is Assistant
Professor of International Relations at the Netaji
Institute for Asian Studies (NIAS), Kolkata
Securing India: Vivekananda International
Foundation Perspective - Issues and Trends, (New Delhi, Wisdom Tree, 2017),
Pages: 202, Price: INR. 1,495.00
YOGENDRA KUMAR: Ambassador Yogendra Kumar is a former Ambassador of India to the
Philippines. He was, earlier, on the Faculty of the National Defence
College, New Delhi.
Gopal Suri, China`s Expanding
Military Maritime Footprint in the Indian Ocean Region: India`s Response, (New Delhi, 2017, Pentagon Press), Pages: 120,
Price: Rs. 349.00
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Vol 12, No. 4 Oct -
Dec 2017
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Click Here to
Download Full Issue
DEBATE
[*IFAJ is grateful to
Ambassador Talmiz Ahmad, former Ambassador
of India to Saudi Arabia, to the U.A.E, and to Yemen, for assisting
us in preparing this Debate Concept Note.]
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ADIL RASHEED: Dr. Adil Rasheed is
Research Fellow at the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses,
New Delhi
Shifting Diplomatic Gears in a Rapidly Unravelling West Asia
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ARTICLES
ASHOKE
KUMAR MUKERJI: Ambassador Asoke Kumar Mukerji, till
recently Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations, was
earlier Special Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi
and is a former Ambassador of India
to the Republic of Kazakhstan and a former Consul General of India in
Dubai.
Role of the United
Nations in the contemporary world. It
is generally accepted that the United Nations Charter of 1945 gives the
United Nations (UN) a role in global governance. The UN is tasked to maintain
international peace and security to use international cooperation to
address global socio-economic, cultural and humanitarian issues, and to
uphold respect for human rights and non-discriminatory fundamental human
freedom. These are often referred to
as the three pillars of the UN system.
How has the UN peformed
this role? Preventing a third world war after 1945 has often been
considered a success of the UN. On the other hand, by the end of 2016, more
than 65 million people across the world have been displaced by war and
violent conflict, the highest such figure since the end of the Second World
War. It is clear that keeping in
view the major transformations in
the world over the past seven decades, the effectiveness of the role of the
UN has varied, depending upon the resilience and responsiveness of its
structures.
P. S. RAGHAVAN, Convener of the National
Security Advisory Board (NSAB), till recently Ambassador of India
to Russia; former Ambassador of India to the Czech Republic and to Ireland; Former
Secretary at the Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi
The Making of
India’s Foreign Policy: From Non-Alignment to Multi-Alignment.
When Prime Minister Narendra Modi assumed office in
May 2014, he promised to pursue a robust, pro-active foreign policy that
would leverage India’s strengths, create equities through our network of
bilateral and multilateral engagements, and
promote India’s political, economic and security interests in the
current global geopolitical flux.
This paper
reviews the main elements of foreign
policy, the challenges confronting it and the global geopolitical trends
that have a major impact on it. It also looks at some factors that
influence foreign policy in
democratic societies, and important considerations for formulating and
analysing foreign policy.
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BOOK REVIEWS
PRABHAKAR MENON: Former Ambassador of India
to the Netherlands, Ireland, Senegal, (the then) GDR and Deputy Permanent
Representative of India to the UN.
Claude Arpi, Tibet
: The Last Months of a Free Nation: India Tibet Relations (1947-1962) Part
I, (New
Delhi, 2017, VIJ Books), Pages: 468, Price:
Rs.1295 (HB); Rs.750 (PB); Rs.750 (EB)
ANUP
SHEKHAR CHAKRABORTY: Dr. Anup Shekhar Chakraborty is an
Assistant Professor for Political Science and Political Studies, at the Netaji Institute for Asian Studies, Kolkata and Member,
Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group (MCRG)
Darvesh Gopal & Dalbir Ahlawat (Eds.), India- Australia Relations: Evolving Poly-centric
World Order, (New Delhi, 2017,
Pentagon Press), Pages: 280, Price: Rs. 995 (HB)
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